Will There Be a Peace Agreement and What Will It Mean for Armenia?

She noted that peace is as necessary as air and water, but not at the cost of Armenian territories, losses, constitutional restrictions, the weakening of national ideology, the devaluation of national symbols, the prevention of army strengthening, and the internal erosion of Armenian identity.

“Aliyev must answer for the crimes committed against Armenia, for torturing prisoners, for occupying 200 sq. km of sovereign Armenian territory and key heights, and for the ongoing aggression against Armenia. We must not believe his false narratives… He will not sign because he wants war, not peace. And the West? I want to see my Homeland protected. We need to think about this and unite — only then will Aliyev be the one begging us to sign a peace agreement,” she added.

For human rights defender  Nina Karapetyants, the peace treaty fails to guarantee rights for Armenia. She noted that  Azerbaijan is continuing its blatant warmongering, while this process is ongoing.

“The Azerbaijani authorities pursue an aggressive policy, whereas the Armenian government is accepting an agreement that fundamentally undermines our rights. Some concessions might be necessary in negotiations, but if those concessions involve amending the Constitution, withdrawing discrimination claims, or completely disregarding our rights, it is disastrous. Claiming that those opposing this version of peace want war is a falsehood. Everyone wants peace, but not at the cost of our sovereignty and rights,” she said.

It seems, she said, that with all the concessions, Azerbaijani leader Ilham Aliyev is still not signing the agreement. “He currently holds a position of strength and can impose new demands at any moment. Meanwhile, the Armenian authorities seem ready to accept any conditions, even at the expense of our national interests. Society will not remain indifferent. Just like in 2018, public discontent is enormous today, and at any moment, it could turn into a large-scale movement. People who previously wouldn’t even greet each other are now uniting around a common cause,” she noted.

Mariam Avagyan, coordinator of the Congress of Refugees from the Azerbaijani SSR and a biologist, added her voice to those concerned about the agreement, suggesting that Azerbaijan is purposely creating tension and worry, especially when it comes to the demands for the “Zangezur Corridor.”

“Since 2020, Armenian society has been under constant pressure, weakening its ability to resist. This is part of Azerbaijan’s strategy—to exert psychological and political pressure on Armenia. Even after signing a “peace agreement,” it is evident that Azerbaijan’s anti-Armenian policies will not decrease but will escalate further. Azerbaijan is actively trying to remove Artsakh from public discourse, refusing to acknowledge it despite its de facto existence as a republic. There are no real guarantees that Azerbaijan will not continue exerting pressure after signing a new agreement,” she said. “On the contrary, if Armenia accepts this document without clear guarantees, it will open the door to greater pressure and losses. Azerbaijan has stated that Armenia must revise its Constitution as part of the peace deal. However, there is no mention of Azerbaijan making any constitutional changes in return. Armenia is carrying out border demarcations at the cost of its own territories, which is a direct blow to our sovereignty.”

For now, the government remains upbeat about the peace agreement though Azerbaijan does not show any intention to sign the document.

On March 14, Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan told a session of the Standing Committee on Foreign Relations that “Armenia proposes to start consultations with Azerbaijan as soon as possible in order to agree on the location, time, and other details of the agreement.”

He emphasized that the agreed text does not contain any provision related to the so-called “corridor” or mechanisms of unblocking.

“There is mutual readiness to cooperate in various fields, including transportation, transit, and economic issues. All railways, roads, and infrastructure in Armenia will remain under the sovereignty of the Republic of Armenia and will operate in accordance with Armenian legislation,” said Mirzoyan.

Mirzoyan also stated that the agreed text contains no provisions regarding the return of people who lived in the territories of both countries before the collapse of the USSR and later left those areas.

“We have heard Azerbaijan’s comments on Armenia’s Constitution, but there is nothing about that in the agreement text. In general, the document does not contain any unilateral regulation or provision related to constitutions.”

The Minister also touched upon the role of the Constitutional Court: “Even if, theoretically, such formulations exist in constitutions, by signing and ratifying the agreement—which will again be assessed by the Constitutional Court—those issues can be considered permanently closed.”

He added, “Of course, there will be sensitive and highly sensitive issues that must be discussed and resolved later. Our agreement text is no exception. However, what is important is that it includes mechanisms that can be applied to address future problems and to achieve the final settlement of relations.”