Has the Trump Administration Achieved What No Other U.S. Administration Has?

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Over the past year, the Trump administration has been actively advancing its geopolitical interests in the South Caucasus and beyond. This has occurred under conditions in which the historical roles of Russia and Iran in the South Caucasus have significantly weakened.

In recent decades, Russia exercised real influence in the region. As for Iran, its influence was shaped less by direct political, economic, or military presence and more by the fact that neighboring states could not ignore Tehran’s interests when shaping their foreign policies and bilateral relations with other players. Today, however, the situation has changed substantially for both Armenia and Azerbaijan. It is difficult to assess to what extent Iran’s concerns are taken into account by Yerevan—and even less so by Baku. Moreover, the complex internal and external challenges currently facing Iran further complicate its ability to secure and sustain its role in the South Caucasus, even in terms of having its interests formally considered by its neighbors.

As for Russia, the situation is also complicated. President Ilham Aliyev has openly accused Russia of adopting an unfriendly stance toward Azerbaijan and has shaped his foreign policy narrative accordingly, thereby reducing Russian leverage over Baku. At the same time, Russia has significantly lost its instruments of influence and pressure over both Armenia and Azerbaijan, while in Georgia it still lacks decisive influence.

In other words, whereas the South Caucasus once operated under a relative balance — Turkey as Azerbaijan’s political patron, Russia as Armenia’s, and the collective West as Georgia’s primary partner — that equilibrium has now been disrupted. The roughly 25-year balance has effectively collapsed. The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, the 2022 war in Ukraine, and several additional factors led to a substantial decline in Russia’s influence over Armenia, as well as a weakening of the collective West’s influence in Georgia. Turkey, however, managed not only to preserve but even to expand its influence over both Azerbaijan and Georgia, particularly in the economic sphere, while gradually acquiring additional leverage in Armenia.

This configuration has also enabled Azerbaijan to emerge as the local power in the South Caucasus, with all the implications that follow.

Against this backdrop, over the past year we have witnessed an unprecedented activation of the Trump administration in the South Caucasus. This is unprecedented in several respects. First, no previous U.S. administration had succeeded in establishing such deep influence in the region — primarily due to the weakening of Russia and Iran. Second, conditions have emerged that allow the United States to promote the development of a Central Asia–Europe connectivity corridor that bypasses Russia, effectively pushing Moscow out of key regional positions.

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As for China, although it is an emerging global power, it still lacks the institutional experience, historical depth, and soft-power infrastructure traditionally associated with established great powers. In this regard, the United States remains a highly competitive actor.

It is evident that Washington will seek to expand its influence as rapidly as possible, so long as it does not face serious geopolitical balancing against its strategic objectives. At the same time, the United States is likely to employ political, economic, and diplomatic tools to prevent coordinated counteraction by Russia or other actors.

One such tool could be a policy of intensified pressure on Iran, potentially including a military component. Such a development would further reduce Iran’s influence not only in the South Caucasus but across the broader Middle East.

Taking these and other factors into account, one may conclude that the Trump administration has succeeded in penetrating the South Caucasus more deeply than any previous US administration, while laying potential foundations for a long-term strategic presence, including within the framework of the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP) initiative.

In fact, since 1991 no US administration had managed to establish the structural and political foundations necessary for Washington to secure a qualitatively new level of presence in the South Caucasus — one with the potential to evolve into a sustained strategic foothold.

At the same time, the groundwork for such a presence has been shaped by comprehensive efforts aimed at reducing the historical roles and significance of Iran and Russia, including through the involvement of other international actors. In these processes, Washington has played a leading role — both during Trump’s first term and under the Biden administration — ensuring the coordinated and consistent advancement of American interests.

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