Turkish-German Relations: Threats, Taboos and Truth

Cem Özdemir appealed to these organizations to go on the record. “One does not have to find the [genocide] resolution good: I am ready to answer questions from people. But Turkish organizations have to denounce death threats unambiguously. Here there is no room for two opinions.” Addressing these groups’ desires for social integration, he said: “Those who want to be taken seriously here, those who want to have religion classes in our schools, they cannot stand on the ground of our Constitution only on their tiptoes.”

DITIB, the biggest umbrella group of Muslims in Germany, expressed its “loss of trust” in those MPs with Turkish roots. Representative Zekeriya Altug was quoted by Zeit online saying that if its members formerly had felt represented by these MPs, that was no longer that the case. But at the same time, DITIB General Secretary Bekir Alboga denounced the slanders and threats of violence as “illegitimate means to deal with differences of opinion and conflicts in a democratic society.” DITIB had cancelled an invitation to Lammert and two MPs to a Ramadan Iftar (fast breaking) during Ramadan, after having received threats.

Then there are those of Turkish background in Germany who have another idea. Turkish-German businessman Remzi Aru launched an initiative days after the Genocide resolution, for the creation of a new Turkish party here. Qualifying the resolution as a massive discrimination against those of Turkish heritage, and warning that all should “beware the beginnings!” he announced that “As of today, there is no German party that a person with Turkish roots can vote for. We are forced to found our own party,” as a result. This, he said, would “not be for Turks, not for Muslims, but for all people in Germany in whom this Germany awakens worst memories.” The party program draft which is circulating says it stands for a “self-conscious, traditional, but also open, multi-racial, multi-national Germany, which nurtures a healthy patriotism and national pride, instead of falling from one extreme into the other.” It calls on Germany to play an equilibrating role in the world, instead of “playing schoolmarm to other countries.” Aru has presented himself officially in German talk shows as a supporter and representative of Erdogan’s policies.

What European Membership?

What meager success a self-styled party for the Turkish (or Muslim) minority in Germany might reap will be seen when and if the project ever takes off. Whether the proponents know it or not, a significantly large proportion of Germans of Turkish descent have taken this citizenship after having fled here from political persecution, received political asylum and then a German passport. It would be wildly arrogant and just plain wrong to assume that most ethnic Turks or other Muslims in Germany would line up with Erdogan.

Far more relevant is the question, where does Turkey end up as a member of the European club? In short: nowhere. The greatest collateral damage that Erdogan’s hysterical outbursts have wrought will be tallied in Brussels. Martin Schulz spoke as president of the European Parliament. He had also said that, when MPs have to witness how “the highest organs of another state” question the guarantees for them as well as journalists and others to act free from repression, “that will not in the long run be without consequence for international relations.” The German Foreign Ministry, in discussion with a diplomat summoned from the Turkish embassy, had made clear that the affair was “not compatible” with close German-Turkish relations.

Without recourse to such diplomatic niceties, it can be said without hesitation, that the Mafioso-style theatrics played out by Erdogan have taken Turkey’s bid for European Union membership from the back burner to the garbage can. In recent discussion about lifting visa restrictions for Turkish citizens – a demand Erdogan made in the context of the refugee deal with the EU – it was specified that to receive this, Turkey had to accommodate EU conditions on terrorism legislation, among other things. In the wake of the recent horrendous terror attacks in Turkey, it is unlikely that the government will acquiesce.

But, that notwithstanding, European eagerness to welcome Turkey in the club has noticeably waned in the wake of the Ankara-Berlin rift. Again, Cem Özdemir was the one to set the record straight. Complaining that there had been a lack of honesty on both sides, he explained that Turkey had been dishonest, in that it had not introduced the required reforms. “It does the opposite: Turkey distances itself daily from the European Union.” But also in Germany, he said, the debate is not really honest. “Honesty would mean saying: With Erdogan, with this policy that Turkey is currently pursuing, there can be no membership.” One need little fantasy to imagine that in the 1000–room palace of the Turkish president, there was little understanding, not to mention applause, for Özdemir’s pointing to a time “after Erdogan.” But, he said what had to be said. And there are few, in Berlin, or Brussels, or elsewhere in Europe who would disagree.

In the last three weeks Turkey’s would-be president-for-life has made more political mistakes — too enormous to be dismissed as diplomatic faux pas — than his carefully-orchestrated personality cult can afford. For reasons to be examined in a psychological profile of the man, he is incapable of assessing the impact in the real world of the utterings of his narcissistic, paranoid personality disorder. To wit: among his ravings against Germany after the Armenian Genocide recognition, he accused Germany of hypocrisy: who were they to accuse others of genocide, he raved, when they killed 6 million Jews, murdered Hereros, etc.?

This crossed a line, and one with existential implications for the identity of the German Federal Republic. Chancellor Merkel was quick to respond. She rejected out of hand the insinuation that Germany had failed to come to terms with its past. In the resolution on the Armenian Genocide, she pointed out, it was explicitly stated that Germany recognized the Holocaust as a singularity in history. Germany had officially recognized that there had been no comparable crime in history, and acknowledged its guilt. Not only, she said, had Germany dealt with this past, but it continues and will continue to do so in the future.

As for Erdogan’s ravings about German guilt in the Herero massacres, Lammert made clear that it had been addressed and would be on the agenda of the Bundestag again.

Erdogan again had shot himself in the foot. It is not Germany which has declined to face up to its historical past. On the contrary: its years-long critical engagement with the Nazi past, its historical research, its education programs through genocide studies in the curricula, its encouragement of civil society activities, its ongoing process of reconciliation, and so many other aspects, make the German experience exemplary for others. In the specific instance: for Turkey. When will Turkey find the courage to follow suit?