Vance’s Trip to Armenia and Azerbaijan

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The historical visit of US Vice President James D. Vance to Armenia and Azerbaijan should be neither underestimated nor overestimated. While this is the highest-level visit of any American official to Armenia or Azerbaijan, there is a need to correctly understand the nuances of politics and US interests in the South Caucasus.

Unfortunately, there was very limited coverage in the American media about Vance’s historic visit. It did not become an important topic, and the core substance of the visit was not widely discussed, since it was not of interest to the average American. However, the deletion of his tweet regarding the recognition of the Armenian Genocide became the subject of quite serious criticism. It was criticized both by leading American media outlets and by US congressmen and other public figures. In other words, the main emphasis of the American press regarding the visit was precisely on that issue, rather than on the substance of the visit itself.

Nevertheless, Trump’s second administration has brought the United States closer than ever to its long-held goal in the South Caucasus: establishing influence and diminishing Russia’s sphere of influence. Previous attempts, such as leveraging the Georgia factor under President George W. Bush, were unsuccessful, but current conditions with Armenia and Azerbaijan may prove more fruitful. As a matter of fact, Vance is not supporting Armenia or Azerbaijan; he is advancing American geopolitical interests from Central Asia to Europe, part of which encompass the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP) through southern Armenia. This is a normal part of international politics.

However, the vice president’s visit sparked a number of contentious discussions in Yerevan. Investment possibilities in Armenia were widely discussed, especially due to misinterpretations in Armenia. Vice President Vance did not say the US would invest billions of dollars in Armenia. The interpreter misspoke, saying there would be American investments when the VP actually stated the US government may greenlight American companies selling several billion dollars’ worth of technologies and products to invest in Armenia. As a matter of fact, the Trump administration is focused on attracting investment to the US by selling American goods, weapons, and technologies globally. This became a cause for serious debates, especially in the context of the Armenian authorities trying to use this visit to their advantage, as their own achievement.

Vance’s statement that he knows that there will be elections in Armenia soon, and in essence, addressing words of support to the incumbent candidate Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan elicited further controversy. It was wrong for Vance to address Armenia’s elections at all. After all, over the past decade the number one political topic in the United States has been interference in elections by Russia or other states and the unacceptability of such interference. At the same time, it may be understood that US support is not for Pashinyan specifically, but for whoever advances the agenda that benefits the United States — a normal aspect of realpolitik. From the perspective of cooperation, Armenia and Azerbaijan are on the same level for the United States.

Another topic of discussion concerned the Armenian prisoners held in Baku. Vance’s statement about raising the issue remained purely rhetorical in practice, which is regrettable for a leading candidate for the next US president. It would have been highly meaningful and symbolic if Vance had brought with him some of the prisoners held in Baku. However, the fact that he traveled from Baku to Yerevan — instead of the opposite — clearly indicated that such an initiative was not planned.

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If Vance did not raise the issue of Armenian prisoners in Baku, then it means he did not keep his promise. But if he did raise it and it produced no result that was made public, then it means that the Azerbaijani authorities simply did not take the issue raised by Vance seriously, which is already a matter of credibility and authority.

Despite all this, the visit is indeed historic, and much now depends on the Armenian authorities. Whether they will pursue deeper relations with the United States, build a new nuclear power plant by attracting investors, or use this opportunity to advance a more substantive and ambitious agenda with the US will be revealed in time. One fact is clear: the ball is now in Armenia’s court and much depends on the decisions of its authorities.

As for the visit to Baku, there are also some extremely interesting aspects concerning the signing of the US–Azerbaijan strategic cooperation document. Armenia also has a similar document, but the usefulness of such documents can only be realized if the countries signing them with the United States actually seek broader cooperation, and in Azerbaijan’s case such a desire is already evident.

It is also interesting that Azerbaijan is acquiring certain military equipment and technology from the United States which, in essence, can only be used against Iran. From this perspective, Baku is quite demonstratively strengthening its relations with the United States, showing Russia and Iran that it is a regional player and can be a troublemaker for Russia and Iran while having the direct support of the US and Turkey. By exploiting these contradictions, Azerbaijan is trying to increase its regional weight and importance for all players in the South Caucasus.

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