What Does Armenia Have to Do with the Abraham Accords?

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Despite the fact that several months ago US President Donald J. Trump’s adviser Steven Witkoff stated that Armenia and Azerbaijan could potentially join the Abraham Accords, it remains unclear how Armenia – a country with a 98 percent Christian population – could become part of these agreements.

One of the Trump administration initiatives in the Middle East, the so-called Abraham Accords seek to establish avenues of cooperation between Islamic countries and Israel, with the broader objective of promoting peace and prosperity across the region. These accords were originally formulated during the first administration of President Trump, with the aim of normalizing Israel’s relations with states that had historically maintained hostile or adversarial positions toward it. The initial phase of this process unfolded in 2020, when Israel established normalized relations with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco, through the mediation of the United States.

The principal architect of this initiative was Jared Kushner, President Trump’s son-in-law, who served as the chief negotiator. Following Trump’s electoral defeat in 2020, momentum behind these agreements declined, and Washington’s broader foreign policy approach toward Israel experienced a degree of recalibration. Trump’s return to the political arena in 2024, however, signaled a potential revival of the Abraham Accords, though within an expanded framework – one that envisions either the normalization of relations between Israel and a broader range of Islamic countries or the deepening of already existing ties.

While the Abraham Accords were originally intended to normalize relations between Israel and Arab states, one of their subsequent objectives became the normalization and deepening of Israel’s relations with Muslim-majority countries outside of the Middle East, in Central Asia and the South Caucasus. Good examples of such target countries are Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, which both expressed interest in joining the initiative.

Azerbaijan’s potential participation would be largely symbolic in nature. Relations between Israel and Azerbaijan are already strategic. Azerbaijan purchases billions of dollars’ worth of weapons from Israel in exchange for oil and gas. Diplomatic relations between the two countries were established in 1992 and have remained at a high level ever since. Therefore, Azerbaijan’s interest in joining the Abraham Accords is driven primarily by a desire to gain political credit with the Trump administration and to establish additional channels of engagement with the United States and the Trump team. The relationship between Israel and Azerbaijan is already so close that many allied and partner countries could envy it. Azerbaijan’s possible accession to the Abraham Accords is unlikely to further “warm” this already exceptionally close partnership.

Baku is driven by a desire to develop closer relations with the United States in order to pursue a more independent policy vis-à-vis Moscow. Through this step, Azerbaijan seeks to balance its political relationship with Russia on the one hand, while on the other minimizing potential pressure related to human rights issues coming from the US. At the same time, Azerbaijan aims to reduce the risks of pressure and possible sanctions resulting from Armenian lobbying efforts in Washington DC.

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On the Azerbaijani domestic front, the formation of strategic relations with the Trump administration holds particular significance, as US–Azerbaijan relations were strained during the years of the Biden administration, which in turn had an impact on Azerbaijan’s internal political dynamics. From Washington’s perspective, Azerbaijan as the wealthiest country in the South Caucasus is an important partner both in terms of energy resources and in balancing Russian influence in the region. Azerbaijan is a direct neighbor of Russia and, as demonstrated over the past years, it has the capacity to create various challenges for Moscow, as seen in the withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers from Nagorno-Karabakh and the tensions that arose following the downing of an Azerbaijani aircraft. Moreover, by reinforcing the role of Turkey, the leading power among the Turkic states, along with its ally Azerbaijan and other Turkic countries in the region, Washington is creating an additional counterbalancing force against Russia and China, while at the same time keeping its strategic ally and NATO member, Turkey, within its sphere of influence.

For Armenia, rather than Azerbaijan, joining the Abraham Accords, appears largely logical, given the historically strained relations between Armenia and Israel, driven by the strategic nature of Azerbaijani–Israeli ties, Armenia’s friendly relations with Iran, and the ongoing issues created by Israeli authorities concerning Armenian historical and cultural heritage in Jerusalem. Thus, it cannot be ruled out that Armenia would join the Abraham Accords if Washington suggested such an idea. Such a scenario could become possible if the logic of the Abraham Accords were to expand beyond the normalization of relations between Israel and Arab or Muslim-majority states and begin to include certain Christian countries as well. For now, official Yerevan appears to be maintaining a wait-and-see position.

It cannot be ruled out that when Witkoff made his statement, he did not mean that Armenia and Azerbaijan should join the Abraham Accords for the purpose of resolving the conflict between them. What was important here was that Israel, a strategic ally of the United States, should have as few problems as possible not only with Arab countries, but also with Islamic and non-Islamic states. Washington needs to demonstrate that not only Arab, but also Turkic states, such as Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, are willing to deepen relations with Israel, the ultimate goal of which appears to be the reconciliation of Israel and Turkey.

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