Iran, TRIPP, and the Geopolitics of Regional Security

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Last week, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi visited Yerevan to participate in the 17th Conference of the Parties to the UN Convention on Biological Diversity (COP17). During a brief exchange with journalists, he made a particularly interesting statement about the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP).

Araghchi stated that Iran is concerned about any US presence in the region but trusts Armenia and is confident that Yerevan will not take any steps that threaten Tehran’s security. “We do have concerns about any US presence in the region and around us. However, we are in close contact with our Armenian friends on this issue and trust them. We know that they are not taking any steps against Iran’s security,” Araghchi stated. On the one hand, this serves as a warning to Armenia not to take any steps that could run counter to Iran’s interests.

On the other hand, however, it may signal a certain softening of Tehran’s position. Whereas Iran previously categorically opposed the implementation of the project, it now appears to be prepared to make some concessions. In July, Iran’s ambassador to Armenia, Khalil Shirgholami, urged the Armenian side to establish mechanisms to manage potential risks associated with TRIPP, recalling Yerevan’s assurances that the project would not threaten Iran’s security.

In September, Shirgholami again raised the issue of a US presence along the Armenian-Iranian border and proposed establishing a mechanism for regular consultations between Yerevan and Tehran on TRIPP. In August, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan stated that the project does not envisage any foreign military or armed presence.

Iran’s softened position could mean several things. First, Tehran may seek to include TRIPP in a broader package of negotiations with Washington. US officials understand that Iran could take any measures it considers necessary to ensure its security, including on the territory of third countries. This may be one of the reasons why construction has not yet begun on the Armenian section of the project.

At the same time, it cannot be ruled out that Iran may eventually seek to participate in the project in some form or through some arrangement. The idea that Iran and the United States will eventually have to sit down at the negotiating table seems almost inevitable. However, neither country can fully trust the other. Iran considers the war unfinished, and the United States may also view the current ceasefire as temporary, with military operations potentially resuming at any time.

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Notably, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has announced that Iran has submitted a seven-day plan to the United States to reopen the Strait of Hormuz and is currently reviewing the American side’s comments. “Our conditions are clear and have been presented to the United States as part of a seven-day plan. The American side has made some comments, which we are now reviewing,” Araghchi said, emphasizing that Tehran’s proposal remains on the table. According to the Iranian foreign minister, if Washington accepts the proposed conditions, the Strait of Hormuz will reopen on the sixth day of the plan, and negotiations will begin on the seventh day.

At the same time, Iran is pursuing a particularly interesting strategy, taking into account the upcoming US midterm elections on November 3. A few days ago, Iranian media outlets called on the country’s population to prepare for war. I believe this statement should be viewed primarily as a calculated strategic maneuver rather than an indication that military operations are about to resume.

First, it is important to consider that Iran made this statement at a time when US military equipment and aircraft have been moving actively throughout the region. American aircrafts continue to appear in the region and operate around the Strait of Hormuz. I believe Iran’s statement is primarily directed at external audiences although the statement appears directed at the Iranian population. It calls on people to remain vigilant, exercise maximum caution in the event of possible military operations, and prepare psychologically for potential hostilities. Iran may be seeking to create uncertainty in the international fuel market. This could drive global fuel prices higher or, at the very least, prevent them from falling.

The upcoming US midterm elections on November 3 are another important factor. President Trump’s party faces serious challenges, one of which is historically high fuel prices, largely driven by the war with Iran. The Trump administration is trying to stabilize the fuel market and bring prices down as much as possible, to attempt to positively influence American voters’ attitudes. So far, however, these efforts have been unsuccessful.

At the same time, if an understanding between Trump and Putin over fuel supplies could serve as a stabilizing factor and lead to lower prices in the US fuel market, Iran may be seeking to prevent such a development through this move. This is particularly relevant given Trump’s statement that he does not plan to launch an attack before November 3.

Iran is signaling that a new attack could come at a higher cost for the United States and its allies. The consequences would not be limited to financial costs but would also carry political repercussions, both in the United States and across the region. Therefore, Iran is not simply preparing its population for a possible war; it is also taking preemptive foreign-policy measures during this complex period.

Iranian diplomacy is quite extensive and multifaceted, and the efforts pursued across different fronts are often interconnected, even when these connections are not immediately apparent. Consequently, it cannot be ruled out that Iran may seek to include the TRIPP project in a broader package of negotiations with Washington, covering the full range of issues Tehran wishes to address in its talks with the United States.

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