The Christian Republic of Armenia: An Alternative Model for the Development of Armenian Statehood

In European Union member states such as Denmark and Malta, churches also maintain a similar status. In Iceland, the Evangelical-Lutheran Church is officially recognized as the national church. Until recently, the Church of Norway was also a state church, a status that was partially revised in 2012 to grant the Church more autonomy. In democratic Costa Rica, Roman Catholicism is the official state religion. The Greek Orthodox Church is a prevailing religious institution in Greece supported by the state.

However, these models do not disregard civil liberties. The Constitution guarantees freedom of conscience and religion. No one shall be compelled to adhere to any religious doctrine. In day-to-day governance and public life, Armenia shall remain secular, just as in the aforementioned states.

Regardless of whether Armenia adopts a presidential or parliamentary system under the new constitution, it is proposed that the political system be restructured based on strengthening party accountability and limiting the number of political parties to a maximum of five. All political parties must be consolidated into two main currents – liberal and conservative. The three historical parties, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (socialists), Ramgavar (democrat-liberals), and Hunchakian (social-democrats) shall operate through the headquarters based in Armenia. In addition to constitutional provisions, this should also be regulated by a new law on political parties in Armenia.

To raise the level of expertise in the National Assembly, it will be mandated that at least 60% of members of the parliament must be lawyers with a minimum of ten years of professional experience. The goal is to enhance the legal competence of the legislative body and improve the culture of drafting and adopting laws.

As a symbol of close collaboration between the clergy and state governance, the Constitution shall designate ten archbishops and bishops of the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church as members of parliament – not through election but by Constitutional order.

Given Armenia’s limited human capital and resources, the Constitution must revisit the framework for Diaspora involvement. Diasporan Armenian professionals should be allowed to participate in Armenia’s legislative, executive, and judicial branches – serving as vital links of pan-Armenian intellect and capabilities.