Suren Sargsyan

Armenia–Russia Relations: Beyond the Politics of Symbolism

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Much has been said about Armenian-Russian relations and the dynamics of their development. Indeed, the relationship is going through a particularly interesting phase. Relations between Armenia and Russia have never reached this level of tension during the post-Soviet period.

It would be difficult to characterize the relationship as hostile, but it would be equally difficult to describe it as friendly. The two sides are strained and increasingly distant from one another, yet there has been no formal “divorce.”

Armenian-Russian relations are entering a new phase in which priorities and interests are being reassessed. Yet the old agenda largely remains in place, even though it is already beginning to show cracks.

Put simply, the form and substance of Armenian-Russian relations no longer correspond to contemporary geopolitical realities, but neither side appears ready to fundamentally realign the relationship. What Armenian-Russian relations need is a restart — something that neither Yerevan nor Moscow currently appears prepared to pursue.

Armenia does not want to leave the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) or the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), while Russia, for its part, does not appear prepared to isolate Armenia from these structures, despite increasingly tough statements from both sides.

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Much has recently been discussed about Russian President Vladimir Putin’s decision not to congratulate Armenia’s prime minister on his re-election. I and others had expressed the view that the Russian president would congratulate Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, but that formal diplomatic gesture did not take place. However, this does not mean that Russia failed to recognize the results of Armenia’s elections or that the Armenian prime minister lacked legitimacy. In fact, after the elections, the first country visited by the Armenian prime minister was Russia, and the first foreign official he met was Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin. Clearly, if such a meeting took place, it demonstrates that Russia recognizes not only the outcome of Armenia’s elections but also the legitimacy of its government.

At the same time, Putin — who formally did not congratulate Pashinyan on his re-election — is expected to become the first foreign leader to meet with the Armenian prime minister in the coming days, according to Russian media reports. It is also important to remember that on June 27, Putin and Pashinyan held a telephone conversation. According to the official account of that conversation, the two leaders exchanged views on the agenda of Armenia-Russia relations, particularly on issues that had emerged in bilateral economic relations.

Regarding the possibility of holding a referendum in Armenia on EU membership—a possibility mentioned in the joint statement adopted on May 29 by the leaders of the four EAEU member states — Pashinyan emphasized that such a referendum would, in practical terms, become possible only after Armenia formally applies for EU membership and the issue becomes a concrete political matter. In other words, Pashinyan conveyed to Putin that Armenia is not currently discussing EU membership as a concrete issue and that no immediate decision or process regarding membership exists.

Against the backdrop of such intensive contacts and discussions, it would therefore be inaccurate to define the current state of Armenian-Russian relations primarily through the message conveyed by Putin’s decision not to congratulate Pashinyan. A single diplomatic gesture, or the absence of one, does not fundamentally alter the nature of bilateral relations.

Put differently, Putin’s failure to congratulate Pashinyan had no direct connection to Russia’s recognition or non-recognition of the election results or the legitimacy of the Armenian government.

Putin was the first major foreign leader not to congratulate Pashinyan. Yet the Russian prime minister was the first foreign official to meet with him. Putin was also among the first foreign leaders to speak with Pashinyan by telephone, and he is expected to be the first foreign head of state to meet with the Armenian prime minister. As for Armenia’s own position, as Armenian authorities have repeatedly stated, there is currently no issue of withdrawing from the EAEU or joining the EU on the government’s immediate political agenda.

Consequently, Armenian-Russian relations are likely to continue developing within the framework of the existing agenda, but under new geopolitical circumstances and in an environment characterized by a certain degree of tension. The relationship is therefore neither a friendship nor a rupture. It is a strained partnership operating under an increasingly outdated framework—one that requires a fundamental reassessment, even if neither Yerevan nor Moscow is currently ready to undertake that process.

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