What Currently Prevents the Implementation of the TRIPP Project?

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The TRIPP project, its construction prospects, potential challenges, possible timelines, as well as the political and economic issues surrounding it, continue to remain at the center of attention for Armenian political, economic, and expert circles. However, the most important question in this entire discussion remains: what conditions, processes, and regional actors could hinder the implementation of TRIPP?

TRIPP is not merely a business project. It could become a strategically significant American presence in the South Caucasus, connecting not only Armenia and Azerbaijan but also potentially linking Central Asia with Europe through an integrated logistics chain, including routes passing through the territories of Armenia and Azerbaijan. Such a development would fundamentally transform the logistics architecture of the South Caucasus, Central Asia, and Europe.

This is well understood by the Trump administration, and it is equally understood by regional actors such as Russia and Iran, for whom any form of American strategic presence near their borders or in neighboring regions runs counter to their interests. From this perspective, every effort has been made to prevent Washington from establishing a strategic foothold in the South Caucasus.

It is evident that as long as the confrontation between the United States and Iran continues, and the two sides exchange missile strikes not only against strategic military targets but also, hypothetically, against economically strategic projects associated with the United States across the broader Middle Eastern region, TRIPP — had it already existed at this stage — would likely have become one of Iran’s primary targets.

From this perspective, it is important that TRIPP does not yet exist, and it is equally important that the project be implemented only at a stage when, at a minimum, issues related to direct military confrontation between the United States and Iran have been resolved or excluded. Iran has for a considerable period of time sought to obstruct the implementation of this project. Even if active military hostilities between the United States and Iran come to an end, the issue will likely continue to exist within the broader framework of strategic and military competition between the two sides.

There are also issues related to Russian interests, and these are driven not by Russia’s military presence but by its economic presence in the South Caucasus. The primary issue concerns Russian Railways and the Armenian railway system, whose management has been entrusted to Russia. In particular, Russian Railways serves as the concessionary operator of the South Caucasus Railway company in Armenia.

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A few days ago, in an interview, Russian Railways CEO Oleg Belozyorov stated that Russian Railways (RZD) is fully fulfilling all of the obligations it assumed under the concession agreement signed with Armenia.

Belozyorov also emphasized that South Caucasus Railway is one of Armenia’s largest and most important employers. According to him, the total volume of investments made during 2008–2025 from the resources of Russian Railways (RZD) and the company’s own revenues amounted to approximately US$396.3 million.

This figure could indicate the amount that Russia may demand from Armenia as compensation if Armenia decides to take back the concessionary management of the railway from Russia. Such a demand would represent a substantial financial burden for Armenia.

The issue here may not be that Russia wants to relinquish concession management, but rather that it seeks to secure some form of participation in the TRIPP project in exchange. This is because the implementation of the project would significantly reduce Russia’s influence in the South Caucasus, and this is something of which Moscow is well aware.

Various economists argue that this project is important for Armenia not as much as from an economic perspective but, even more importantly, from a strategic standpoint — particularly in terms of providing Armenia with access to the outside world. This includes the possibility of utilizing the potential opening of the Armenian-Turkish and Armenian-Azerbaijani borders, which could have a significant impact on the economic structure of the Republic of Armenia.

We once again come to the conclusion that the TRIPP project is not so much a business initiative as a project that could have strategic significance for the United States’ regional presence and for transforming the entire logistics architecture of the South Caucasus region.

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