New Book by Julien Zarifian Examines Full Story behind US Relationship to the Armenian Genocide

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Seasoned French political scientist Julien Zarifian has published a thoroughly researched and thought-provoking book that analyzes the Armenian Genocide exclusively from the perspective of the United States. Titled The United States and the Armenian Genocide: History, Memory, Politics, it offers a comprehensive look at changing attitudes towards the event starting with the noble but failed attempt by the American Ambassador to the Ottoman Empire Henry Morgenthau to save Armenian lives as the Genocide was unfolding.

As Zarifian writes in his introduction: “My main objective in this work is to examine the relationship the US government and, to a lesser extent, US society and media, has had with the issue of the Armenian massacres of 1915-1916, from the perpetration of these crimes to their nonrecognition as genocide in the second half of the twentieth century and the early twenty-first century.”

Of course, underlying this rather neutral sounding statement is one simple question: why did it take the United States government a century to officially recognize that the Armenian Genocide of 1915-1923 had indeed been planned and executed by a (still to this day) unrepentant (Ottoman) Turkey, this in spite of the fact that American media and government covered the massacres on an almost daily basis as they unfolded? Along the way, Zarifian analyzes media and press coverage, the role of lobbies, as well as geopolitical considerations and American foreign policy decisions.

Zarifian’s book is divided into six parts, and each part is in turn subdivided into three chapters. In Parts I-V, Zarifian presents a chronological history of the US relationship to the Armenian Genocide starting with American involvement in the Ottoman Empire and its policies of non-involvement stretching back to the Hamidian massacres of 1894-1896, and the Adana Massacres of 1909, when large-scale massacres of Armenians also took place in Turkey. He reviews the records of all the most recent administrations including those of Bush, Obama and Trump. His analysis culminates with the Biden administration which became the first in the country’s history to officially recognize the Armenian Genocide when both branches of Congress did so in 2019, followed by Joe Biden and the executive branch in 2021.

Then in Part VI, the author analyzes the same issue thematically and analytically. The great advantage of this organizational methodology is to fully educate those who are not historians or experts on the topic, so that everyone has the full story before attempting to analyze the why behind it all: why the US caved in to Realpolitik even in the face of mass murder and its aftereffects. The surprising part of Zarifian’s analysis is precisely that it shows, as we shall see, that there were in fact many reasons for official US policy having to do with Armenians, Turks and Armenians, but also memories that all sides have tried to suppress about their own cultures. And even a learned historian, although he might passively know much if not all the information presented here, will probably never have seen it analyzed from quite this angle or made all the connections that Zarifian does here.

Part I, “The United States, the Armenians and the Armenian Genocide before the Genocide Convention” traces the early immigration of Armenians to the United States beginning with the arrival of the trader “Martin the Armenian” at Jamestown in 1618-19, followed by their steady rise from poor agricultural workers to landowners, and small businessmen in the late 19th and early 20th century, with a growing network of religious and cultural institutions on both coasts.

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While an Armenophile movement was born in this period, and there was general sympathy for the plight of Armenians who were routinely massacred or otherwise mistreated, the US followed a policy of non-intervention in the Ottoman Empire which coincided with the tenets of the Monroe Doctrine. Concurrently, as the US did not have as much influence in the region as the European powers, Christian missionaries were sent to the Ottoman Empire to proselytize and convert ottoman subjects, as well as establish a network of schools and universities, which created friction with the Muslim leaders of the Empire. Funds were also raised to help Armenians and the US government did protest the mistreatment of the Armenian minority but to little effect.

During the Genocide itself, America officially decried the news of the massacres taking place, which were covered daily in major American media outlets, but they could do little to intervene in a foreign Empire’s internal affairs. Behind the scenes, Ambassador Henry Morgenthau did everything in his power to bring to light was happening to the Armenians. He personally intervened on several occasions to convince the Young Turk leaders to spare the Armenians but failed in his attempts. A fascinating Chapter 3 “From Hope to ‘Memory Erosion’: The United States and the Armenian Matter in the Interwar Period,” shows that after the founding of Near East Relief which raised the equivalent of $1 billion today to save a generation of surviving Armenian orphans, and after much sympathy for the fate of the Armenians on the part of the American public, the Genocide was soon forgotten. The Wilsonian Mandate for Armenia failed, the Treaty of Sevres was superseded by the Treaty of Lausanne which favored Turkish control of Western Armenia, and the Soviet Union and Kemalist Turkey carved out what was left of Armenia. Turkey grew in importance for the United States and burgeoning fundraising and political activism on the part of Armenian Americans was overshadowed by the might of Turkish diplomacy and politicking. The Armenians split in two rival political groups and the memory of 1915 was soon eclipsed by the new horrors of the Holocaust and the genocide of European Jewry during WWII.

Part II, “The United States and the Post-WWII Armenian Awakenings” traces three different stages of Armenian “awakenings” when Armenian-Americans began to organize themselves more effectively and founded its first lobbying group, in the 1940s, then in 1965 on the occasion of the 50th commemoration of the Genocide and then in the 70’s which saw a rise of Turkish denialism concurrent to the activities of Armenian terrorist groups such as ASALA.

Zarifian does not shy away from calling out Armenian terrorism and notes that the US took a strong stance against Armenian terrorists and help to snuff out their domestic cells.

Part III examines lobbying and organizing on the part of the Armenian community to have the Genocide recognized officially by the US government. These attempts failed due to US policy favorable to Turkey and representatives who didn’t see its importance — under Ronald Reagan’s presidency, all attempts to recognize the event were quashed. Zarifian then examines the case of Senator Bob Dole whose life was saved by an Armenian surgeon during WWII and Senate Joint Resolution 212 (1989-1990) which he unsuccessfully tried to have ratified.

In Part IV Zarifian examines the US Post-Cold War Context and George W. Bush’s First Mandate. Turkey now was more important perhaps than before and President Bush pinned his hopes on illusory Turkish-Armenian reconciliation efforts in Congress. With George W. Bush’s Second Mandate, progress was being made, albeit slowly. Bill Clinton disappointed many in not recognizing the Genocide.

Part V moves the reader through the Obama, Trump and finally the Biden administration when efforts finally gave way to success. As Zarifian points out, part of the reason for recognition was simply the unrelenting efforts of Armenians and their allies to keep coming back with new resolutions: even Donald Trump’s bullying and non-recognition couldn’t stop both houses Congress from eventually recognizing it—then finally Biden made his official statement to the relief of Armenians everywhere.

Dr. Julien Zarifian

In Part VI, Zarifian then meticulously and with remarkable objectivity analyzes the American reaction to the Armenian genocide itself: he is praiseworthy of the founding of the Near East Relief. Simply, American interests never coincided enough with those of the Armenians: before WWI, the US was not a player in the region even. Afterwards, they gave in to geopolitics as Turkey became an important NATO ally against the Soviets. As Zarifian points out, the US attitude to the Armenian Genocide can be divided into roughly three periods: 1) recognition of the event as it happened but non0intervention; then the period until WWII; then WWII to the 1980’s: pacification and refusal to upset Turkey, and then the 1980s onwards when it began to reckon with the historical record more honestly. Zarifan shows that a coalition of forces overwhelmingly hindered recognition: the strength of the Turkish lobby and its importance as a NATO ally; but also the role of the Jewish Lobby and AIPAC since Turkey was Israel’s only Muslim ally in the region; and finally the United States’ own failure to reckon with of history of slavery and genocide against the Native Americans created a perhaps subliminal desire not to discuss Genocides too often: the Holocaust was enough, it seems. In the end, it seems that plain hard work and lobbying as well as the doggedness of politicians like Senator Menendez who kept bringing the resolution to vote until opposition to it wore down and it passed. But here is the sad reality of Armenian Genocide recognition: apart from the catharsis that it provided Armenian Americans, and helping to set the historical record straight once and for all, little was arguably gained. Turkey refused to accept the facts and even participated in further ethnic cleansing of Armenians in Artsakh by training Azeri officers and providing Bayrakdar missiles.

Zarifian also notes that recognition of the Genocide has changed little in the Armenian world, apart from assuaging people who see it as a moral victory. As for Armenia itself, wedged between Turkey and Azerbaijan, the Third Republic has gained little from the US’s most recent acknowledgment: apart from a $3 million insurance settlement paid out to heirs, reparations will not occur nor will peace between Armenians and Turks magically appear. At least the US finally did the right thing, Zarifian seems to conclude, even if it came some 50 years too late. And one also wonders what Armenians could have been built in the US institutionally with all the effort and financial resources that they poured into this battle for over a half century. Be that as it may, Zarifian’s book makes a solid addition to works by scholars such as Raymond Kevorkian, Richard Hovannisian, and others who have analyzed the Armenian Genocide from different angles and perspectives.

At 300 pages, of which a good third are endnotes and bibliography, Zarifian’s book should be the authority on this topic for quite some time to come. In the end this is a book for historians and students of history both. It might someday be interesting to write a companion volume that analyzes in a similarly thorough fashion the reaction of say Western Europe (France, Russia, the United Kingdom) same issue. As such, Zarifian lists places, events and motivations, and although he does provide cogent analysis of the diverse elements involved in American decisions towards Armenians the Genocide, there is little room here for theories of nationalism, colonialism, Lit Crit, gender studies and such which have recently made the field of Armenian Genocide studies so exciting, such as Elyse Semerdjian’s recent volume on the tattooing of Armenian female bodies sold into slavery. Were it not for Zarifian’s elegant and pared down prose, and his obvious intelligence, it might otherwise read a bit dry. In the end, though, this is a perfect companion for the studies that detail the events and horrors of the Armenian Genocide itself, as well as all the new scholarship and fiction coming out on the issue. If we take all of these different studies together as a whole, it seems that one hundred years after the events that traumatized an entire nation and its descendants, we finally have scholarship that is intelligent, rich, and complete; scholarship that also helps to anchor the truth and complexity Armenian Genocide in the annals of human history once and for all.

In his introduction, Zarifian makes the interesting observation that this particular issue represents one of the most remarkable instances of continuity in US policy, at both the domestic and international levels. Given this fact, it is even more important that this egregious status quo was finally changed. It also says something positive about the willpower and organization of Armenian-Americans who are a tiny minority group which had limited financial means and education until the middle or end of the twentieth century. As pyrrhic a victory as it may have been, the 2021 Armenian Genocide recognition represents a good example of how immigrant groups to the US have at times been able to change the law or government policy to their advantage by using the country’s democratic channels.

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